Assignment
SOCIOLINGUISTIK
PIDGINS AND CREOLE
BY:
WA ODE SITTI NUR INDAH
TEACHING TRAINING AND EDUCATION FACULTY
HALUOLEO UNIVERCITY
KENDARI
2013
PREFACE
Praise and Thank God to
Allah SWT because
the
mercy
and
guidance
so a
paper about "Pidgins and
Creole"
can be completed
on time.
Do not forget we sy thank you very much to the teacher who has given knowledge and understanding to us so we able made a paper about pidgin and creole . we also say thank you to our friends who have provided support and encouragement in writing this paper
Do not forget we sy thank you very much to the teacher who has given knowledge and understanding to us so we able made a paper about pidgin and creole . we also say thank you to our friends who have provided support and encouragement in writing this paper
We knows that this
paper is still far
from
perfection.
Therefore, the authors is very hope suggestion, critic and advice from reader as guidelines
for making paper in the next time.
Author
hopes this paper can be
useful
and
can
give
knowledge
to the reader's
about "Pidgin
and
Creole".
Amin!
Kendari, April 2013
Authors
TABLE
OF CONTENS
TITLE
PAGE
PREFACE
TABLE
OF CONTENT
CHAPTER
I INTRODUCTION
1.1
Background ...................................................................................... 1
1.2
Problem Statement ............................................................................ 2
1.3
The Objective .................................................................................... 2
CHAPTER
II DISCUSSION
2.1 The History of Pidgins and Creole .................................................... 3
2.2 The Definition Of Pidgins And Creole ............................................. 5
2.3 The Development Of Pidgins And Creole ........................................ 7
2.4 The Process Of Development Pidgins And
Creole ........................... 8
CHAPTER
III CLOSING
3.1 Conclusion ......................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER
I
INTRODUCTION
1.1
BACKGROUND
As we know that
in fact, the language in the world is not a single language but different.
Moreover, in a variety of languages have various forms, such as standard and
non-standard variations. These variations arise because of social and cultural
factors, where individuals or groups of individuals live.
Shape or form of
language of a person or group of people less influenced by environmental or extra
lingual factors that come into contact with it. Therefore extra lingual factor
is thus a form of language to suit a wide-variety of social reality that
reflection. This opinion Chomsky denies the concept of homogeneous language
community affairs. Wardhaugh (1986: 113) evaluates Chomsky's view of a
homogeneous society like the following quote.
"For purely theoretical purposes, linguist
may want to hypotezise the existence of some kind of" ideal "speech
community.This is actually what Chomsky proposes, his 'completely homogenous
speech community'. However, such a community can not be our concern: it is
theoretical construct employed for a narrow purpose. Our speech community,
whatever they are, exist in a 'real world'. Consequently, some alternative view
must be developed of speech community, one helpful to investigation of a language
in society rather than necessitated by more abstract linguistic theorizing
".
Wardhaugh
opinion based on the above it can be concluded that the presence of a
heterogeneous language makes more sense. About the homogeneous society, it
seems it is hard to imagine. Suppose there, the numbers are very limited.
Therefore the heterogeneity of language, the factors that are individual,
regional, social and situational influence language variation.
Based
on the above opinion, the experts found that language sociolinguistic there are
manifold. Among the various languages it is pijin language and creole
languages.
At first, pidgin
and creoles considered a linguistic phenomenon which is not attractive. People
who spoke with creole, pidgin and despised. Hymes (in Wardhaugh, 1988) adds
that before 1930 pidgin and creole is widely ignored by linguists and language
is rated as marginal. This is due to their origins. Therefore, people who speak
the language and creole pijin associated with members of the poor and the black
community.
Fortunately,
this assumption on the behavior and the present has changed. Language experts
give serious attention to pijin and creole languages. They found an interesting
characteristic of the particulars pijin and creoles. Pijin and creole studies
to be an important part of the study of literature and sociolinguistics with
all of pijin and creole controversy itself. In the end, the speaker realizes
that talking to pijin and creole language variation which is not a bad, but a
language or language variety that has legitimacy, history, structure, and
possible recognition as a language is or was (Wardhaugh, 1988).
Based on the
problems described above, the authors are interested in making paper
"pidgins and creole", which discusses the matter of understanding
more about what it pidgins, creole up the process of development, both of which
mutually affect each other.
1.2
PROBLEM
STATEMENT
Based
on the background in this paper, the problem statement are :
1. Explain
the history of pidgins and creole
2. What
is definitions of pidgins and creole
3. The
development of pidgins and creole
4. The
process of development from pidgins to creole
1.3
THE
OBJECTIVE
As for the goal in this paper is to determine definitions of
pidgins and creole, the development of pidgis and creole and the process of
development from pidgins to creole.
CHAPTER
II
DISCUSSION
2. 1
THE
HISTORY OF PIDGINS AND CREOLE
Pidgins and creole are new language varieties, which
developed out of contacts between colonial nonstandard varieties of a European
language and several non-European languages around the Atlantic and in the
Indian and Pacific Oceans during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries.
Pidgins typically emerged in trade colonies which developed around trade forts
or along trade routes, such as on the coast of West Africa. They are reduced in
structures and specialized in functions (typically trade), and initially they
served as non-native lingua francas to users who preserved their native
vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions. Some pidgins have expanded into
regular vernaculars, especially in urban settings, and are called `expanded
pidgins.' Examples include Bislama and Tok Pisin (in Melanesia)
and Nigerian and Cameroon Pidgin English. Structurally, they are as complex as
Creoles.
The terms Creole and pidgin have also been
extended to some other varieties that developed during the same period out of
contacts among primarily non- European languages. Examples include Delaware
Pidgin, Chinook Jargon, and Mobilian in North America; Sango, (Kikongo-)Kituba,
and Lingala in Central Africa, Kinubi in Southern Sudan and in Uganda; and Hiri
Motu in Papua New Guinea (Holm 1989, Smith 1995)
Mufwene (2001) emphasizes that Creoles and pidgins developed
in separate places, in which Europeans and non-Europeans interacted differently
–sporadically in trade colonies (which produced pidgins) but regularly in the
initial stages of settlement colonies (where Creoles developed).
The term `Creole' was originally coined in
Iberian colonies, apparently in the sixteenth century, in reference to non indigenous
people born in the American colonies. It was adopted in metropolitan Spanish,
then in French and later in English by the early seventeenth century. By the
second half of the same century, it was generalized to descendants of Africans
or Europeans born in Romance colonies. Usage varied from one colony to another.
The term was also used as an adjective to characterize plants, animals, and
customs typical of the same colonies.
Creole may not have applied widely to language
varieties until the late eighteenth century. Such usage may have been initiated
by metropolitan Europeans to disfranchise particular colonial varieties of
their languages. It is not clear how the term became associated only with
vernaculars spoken primarily by descendants of non-Europeans. Nonetheless,
several speakers of Creoles (or pidgins) actually believe they speak dialects of
their lexifiers.
Among the earliest claims that Creoles developed from pidgins
is the following statement in Bloomfield (1933, p. 474): `when the jargon
[i.e., pidgin] has become the only language of the subject group, it is a
creolized language.' Hall (1962) reinterpreted this, associating the vernacular
function of Creoles with nativization. Thus, Creoles have been defined
inaccurately as `nativized pidgins,' i.e., pidgins that have acquired native
speakers and have therefore expanded both their structures and functions and
have stabilized. Hall then also introduced the pidgin-Creole `life-cycle' to
which DeCamp (1971) added a `post-Creole' stage.
The first creolist to dispute this connection was Alleyne
(1971). He argued that fossilized inflectional morphology in Haitian Creole
(HC) and the like is evidence that Europeans did not communicate with the
Africans in foreigner or baby talk, which would have fostered pidgins on the
plantations.
It has also been claimed that Creoles have more or less the
same structural design (Bickerton, 1984). This position is as disputable as the
counterclaim that they are more similar in the socio historical ecologies of
their developments, or even the more recent claim that there are Creole
prototypes from which others deviate in various ways (McWhorter 1998). The very
fact of resorting to a handful of prototypes for the general Creole structural
category suggests that the vast majority of them do not share the putative set
of defining features, hence that the features cannot be used to single them out
as a unique type of language. On the other hand, variation in the structural
features of Creoles (lexified by the same language) is correlated with
variation in the linguistic and sociohistorical ecologies of their developments
(Mufwene 2001). The notion of `ecology' includes, among other things, the
nature of the lexifier, structural features of the substrate languages, changes
in the ethnolinguistic makeup of the populations that came in contact, the
kinds of interactions between speakers of the lexifier and those of other
languages, and rates and modes of population growth.
To date the best known Creoles have been lexified by English
and French. Those of the Atlantic and Indian Ocean are, along with Hawaiian
Creole, those that have informed most theorizing on the development of Creoles.
While the terms `Creole' and `creolization' have often been applied
uncritically to various contact-induced language varieties, several
distinctions, which are not clearly articulated have also been proposed, for
instance, between pidgin, Creole, koine! , semi-Creole, intertwined varieties,
foreign workers' varieties of European languages (e.g., Gastarbeiter Deutsch),
and `indigenized varieties' of European languages (e.g., Nigerian and Singaporean
English). The denotations and importance of these terms deserve re-examining.
2. 2
THE
DEFENITION OF PIDGINS AND CREOLE
Most
studies of pidgins and Creoles (PC) have focused on their origins, despite an
undeniable increase during the 1990s in the number of works on structural
features
a.
Pidgins
A Pidgin, or contact language,
is the name given to any language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of
other languages as a means of communication between speakers of different
tongues. Pidgins have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary, serving
as auxiliary contact languages.
They are improvised rather than learned natively.
Pidgin language (origin in
Engl. word `business'?) is nobody's native language; may arise when two
speakers of different languages with no common language try to have a makeshift
conversation. Lexicon usually comes from one language, structure often from the
other. Because of colonialism, slavery etc. the prestige of Pidgin languages is
very low. Many pidgins are `contact vernaculars', may only exist for one speech
event.
A pidgin is “ a language with a reduced
range of structure and use, with NO native speakers.” It grows up among people
who do not share a common language but who want to communicate with each other.
(Source:
The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).
A pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any
language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as
a means of communication between speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have
simple grammars and few synonyms, serving as auxiliary contact languages. They
are learned as second languages rather than natively.
Some pidgins have expanded into regular vernaculars,
especially in urban settings, and are called `expanded pidgins.' Examples
include Bislama and Tok Pisin (in Melanesia) and Nigerian and
Cameroon Pidgin English.
b.
Creole
Creole (orig. person of
European descent born and raised in a tropical colony) is a language that was
originally a pidgin but has become nativized, i.e. a community of speakers
claims it as their first language. Next used to designate the language(s) of
people of Caribbean and African descent in colonial and ex-colonial countries
(Jamaica, Haiti, Mauritius, Réunion, Hawaii, Pitcairn, etc.)
A
creole is “a pidgin which has become the mother tongue of a community,” and
therefore has native speakers (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).
A creole language, or just creole,
is a well-defined and stable language that originated from a non-trivial
combination of two or more languages, typically with many distinctive features
that are not inherited from either parent. All creole languages evolved from
pidgins, usually those that have become the native language of a community. The most kinds of pidgin but now be
a creol as like Melanesia pidgin (Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea. Another
example from this is Bislama pidgins in Vanuatu.
2. 3
THE
DEVELOPMENT OF PIDGIN AND CREOLE
a.
The Development Of Pidgin
A Pidgin, or contact language, is the name given to any language
created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of other languages as a means
of communication between speakers of different tongues. Pidgins have
rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary, serving as auxiliary contact languages.
They are improvised rather than learned natively.
As they develop, they can replace the
existing mix of languages to become the native language of the current community
(such as Krio in Sierra Leone
and Tok Pisin
in Papua New Guinea). This stage requires the
pidgin to be learned natively by children, who then generalize the features of
the pidgin into a fully-formed, stabilized grammar (see Nicaraguan Sign Language). When a pidgin
reaches this point it acquires the full complexity of a natural language, and
becomes a creole language. However, pidgins do not always
become creoles - they can die out or become obsolete.
The concept originated in Europe among
the merchants and traders in the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages, who used Lingua Franca
or Sabir.
Another well-known pidgin is the Beach-la-Mar of the South Seas, based
on English but incorporating Malay,
Chinese,
and Portuguese words. Bislama,
as it is now called in Vanuatu, is fairly mutually intelligible with Tok Pisin.
Caribbean
pidgin is the result of colonialism. As tropical islands were colonised
their society was restructured, with a ruling minority of some European nation
and a large mass of non-European laborers. The laborers, both natives and slaves, would often come
from many different language groups and would need to communicate. This led to
the development of pidgins.
The word is derived from the Chinese
pronunciation of the English word business. Pidgin English
was the name given to a Chinese-English-Portuguese pidgin used for commerce in
Canton during the 18th and 19th
centuries. Some scholars dispute this derivation of the word
"pidgin", and suggest alternative etymologies, but no alternative has
been deemed convincing enough to garner widespread support. In Canton, this
contact language was called Canton English.
b.
The Development Of Creole
In
linguistic, creole is pidgin which
from time to time
and from one
generation to the next generation that
continues to develop into a variety of languages.
By the time adults use pidgin as an intermediate language, a group of children or grandchildren
they acquire and
use the language as a first language
(mother language).
For
children or grandchildren,
no longer called Pidgin,
but creole.
Creole is also often referred to as the language Pijin that has native speakers. In the language of the user community Pidgin shift or different naming of the language used. Pijin for the older generation, and Creole to the younger generation.
Creole is also often referred to as the language Pijin that has native speakers. In the language of the user community Pidgin shift or different naming of the language used. Pijin for the older generation, and Creole to the younger generation.
At
the level of creole, grammar and vocabulary begin to
intricate and complex.
Creole is a language
extension Pidgin, both grammatical complexity
and vocabulary. Expansion
of Pidgin be
equated with creole languages in other
countries that have it.
There
are hundreds of different creole languages in
the world. Example is the creole language
Tok Pisin in
Papua New Guinea,
Papiamentu in Arubia,
South Venezuela, Curacao
and Bonaire Leeward
islands of the Netherlands Antilles
(influenced by Portuguese, English and Spanish).
Haitian Creole in the Caribbean, the western part of the island of Hispaniola
(having six million
speakers). The speakers
can be found throughout the Caribbean and North
American comunity, and creole from Dominica (influenced
by Spanish, French and English).
2. 4
THE
PROCESS OF DEVELOPMENT FROM PIDGIN TO CREOL
In general, overall
language can be changed. Sometimes the language changes occur in a short time
as a result of contact between two languages used by people with backgrounds
different languages. In such circumstances may arise that name pidgin. Pidgin usually
have a very simple grammar with a vocabulary of different languages so that
mixing the two elements of the language led to a mixture of languages.
A pidgin has no
native speakers (native speakers). If you have a native speaker's language is
called a creole language. So, creole is a pidgin development that has had a
parent language (mother tongue). Some languages are considered creole
language in Indonesia, among others, is the Malay language and Betawi Malay
Ambon. So, creole is the result of language contact as well which is the
development of a pidgin.
Pidgin creole
arises when a mother tongue in a particular community. The structure is still
describe the structure of pidgin, creole but called for being their mother
tongue. Pidgin can be a creole when the foreign speakers and used by his
descendants were then frozen as their first language. It just said creole
pidgin language if this has been going on for generations.
Creoles have
more speakers than pidgin. Because creoles evolved through his children and
grandchildren, and only a pidgin language of the original. When someone
mentions a creole language, then the language should have first been proven
historically about its origins. Because in determining whether or not a creole,
a language historically has a very important role and have a very close
relationship.
Creolization is a linguistic development that occurs because the two languages in contact for a long time which is pidgin speakers had breed. And so on if creole able to survive and continue berkembanga it would creole language bias to larger and more complete example is the language of Sierra Leone in West Africa which later became the national language.
Creolization is a linguistic development that occurs because the two languages in contact for a long time which is pidgin speakers had breed. And so on if creole able to survive and continue berkembanga it would creole language bias to larger and more complete example is the language of Sierra Leone in West Africa which later became the national language.
Creole language
developed from pidgin language. First of all, a language is used as a first
language in an area, then the youth, especially the merchants, activities interaction
by trade.
From various
origins traders, when they interact with other countries that are much
different languages have either structural or functional, so they created a
new language with quotes, and to paraphrase of their own languages understood
by all traders concerned that they are able to interact well. First language in
an area that depends on whether the area is the result of colony, who occupier,
and the influence of what is left.
CHAPTER
III
CLOSING
3.1
CONCLUTION
Based
on the description of Pidgins and Creole
in the above, the
authors conclude:
1. A
Pidgin is
the name given to any language created, usually spontaneously, out of a mixture of
other languages as a means of communication between speakers of different
tongues. Pidgins have rudimentary grammars and restricted vocabulary, serving
as auxiliary contact languages.
2. A
creole is “a pidgin which has become the mother tongue of a community,” and
therefore has native speakers (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language).
Creole is a pidgin that time to time, from generation to next generation keep
moving development be ones language.
3.
Creole language developed
from pidgin language. First of all, a language is used as a first language in
an area, then the youth, especially the merchants, activities interaction by
trade.
4. From various origins traders, when they interact with other
countries that are much different languages have either structural or
functional, so they created a new language with quotes, and paraphrase their own languages understood by all
traders concerned that they are able to interact well.
No comments:
Post a Comment